How authoritarians game democracy – and how to stop them

Contemporary authoritarianism is not chaotic or improvised. It follows patterns that can be studied, predicted, and disrupted. The Anti-Authoritarian Toolkit sets out to make visible the norms and practices of authoritarian politics – without normalizing them. Agustin Frizzera and Pedro Telles from D-Hub, a global community of democracy defenders, explain how exposing the playbook helps progressive forces respond to and pre-empt these tactics.

Across Europe and beyond, a new generation of authoritarian leaders has learned how to win elections, shape public debate, and consolidate power within the rules of the democratic system. Today, rather than relying on coups or overt repression from the outset, they operate through a sophisticated mix of political style, communication strategies, emotional narratives, and selective policy delivery.

These authoritarian strategies can be categorized into a set of recurring “plays” observed across very different national contexts. This analysis allows us to understand how and why these strategies work, so that democratic actors can anticipate them, counter them, and in some cases adapt their more effective elements without sacrificing democratic values.

A phenomenon close to home

Europe has become one of the most important laboratories for new forms of electoral authoritarianism. Leaders and parties across the continent have refined these plays even in democratic systems with strong institutions, proving that no democracy is immune. From Hungary and Poland to Italy and Germany, similar strategies are deployed: combining nationalist rhetoric with selective welfare policies, mobilizing grievance and cultural fear, and reshaping public debate through permanent confrontation.

Together, these cases demonstrate that authoritarian success is not only about ideology, but about execution.

From ideology to strategy: How the playbook works

These recurring moves can be understood through a clear structure. At the top sits a grand strategy. What we call “syncretic populism” is the opportunistic blending of ideological elements from left and right. In plain terms, this means refusing to play by traditional labels and instead picking whatever ideas, symbols, and policies resonate most with different audiences at a given moment. Rather than offering a coherent ideological program, these leaders combine elements that seem contradictory, such as nationalist rhetoric with expansive social policies, into a single, emotionally compelling offer.

This allows leaders to appeal to very different constituencies at once, while positioning themselves as “above” traditional politics. In Hungary, for example, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has paired strong nationalist and anti-liberal narratives with targeted subsidies and benefits, allowing his government to appeal simultaneously to culturally conservative voters and economically insecure households.

This grand strategy comprises a set of concrete plays:

1. A disruptive political style

New authoritarians deliberately reject the aesthetics and language of traditional politics. They speak plainly, insult, share personal moments online, and cultivate what the Playbook calls middle finger energy. This is not accidental vulgarity, it is a signaling strategy. It tells voters: “I am not one of them.”

This style has proven especially effective in contexts where trust in parties and institutions is low. The lesson here is uncomfortable but unavoidable: anti-elite sentiment is real, and ignoring it leaves the field open to those willing to exploit it.

In the United Kingdom, Nigel Farage, MP and leader of Reform UK, exemplifies a disruptive political style rooted in anti-elite performance. Through blunt language, constant confrontation, and a cultivated image of speaking “plain truth” against political correctness, Farage positioned himself as an outsider willing to say what professional politicians would not.

2. A new communications ecosystem

Authoritarians were early to understand that social media is not just a channel, but an infrastructure of power. They built dense networks of influencers, friendly media outlets, WhatsApp groups, and platform-native content that operate continuously, not just during campaigns.

In several European countries, far-right ecosystems have flourished on Telegram, TikTok, and YouTube, long before mainstream actors took these spaces seriously. The result is not persuasion in the classic sense, but constant presence, emotional reinforcement, and agenda control.

In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni combines a strong personal presence on social media with sympathetic digital outlets and constant message amplification by allied influencers. Rather than relying on a single dominant channel, this ecosystem operates through repetition, emotional resonance, and cultural signaling, ensuring sustained visibility and narrative reinforcement well beyond election cycles.

3. Flood the zone with shit

Instead of defending one coherent narrative, new authoritarians overwhelm the public sphere with provocation, disinformation, scandals, and policy announcements. The objective is not to convince everyone, but to disorient opponents, exhaust journalists, and normalize extremes. As famously articulated by Steve Bannon, this strategy makes sustained accountability nearly impossible.

In Germany, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has repeatedly exploited moments of crisis and violence to saturate the public debate with fear-driven narratives, inflammatory language, and constant provocation. By rapidly amplifying extreme interpretations of events across digital platforms, the party shifts media attention, exhausts opponents, and gradually normalizes positions that would previously have been considered unacceptable.

What progressives can learn

After identifying and naming these strategies, we can draw several lessons:

1. Speak clearly

Authoritarians simplify relentlessly. Democratic actors often do the opposite. While complexity matters in policymaking, communication must translate ideas into clear stakes, visible outcomes, and human stories. Simplifying is not lying; it is prioritizing what people can grasp and remember.

2. Embrace emotions

Fear, anger, hope, sense of belonging are not irrational relics that need correcting. They are the terrain on which politics happens. Progressive actors who rely exclusively on facts and technicality leave emotional mobilization to their opponents.

3. Don’t drop the ball

Authoritarians operate in permanent campaign mode. Pro-democracy voices often go silent between elections. In a fragmented media ecosystem, absence equals irrelevance. Maintaining continuous narrative presence through culture, digital spaces, and community engagement is now a prerequisite.

4. Stand firm on your principles and values

While we can learn from authoritarian effectiveness, there are red lines that should never be crossed. Tactics that escalate disinformation, radicalization, or cynicism ultimately strengthen authoritarian logic. The challenge is to play the game and win, while respecting the rules and values that make democracy worth defending.

From analysis to action

Democratic forces will not defeat authoritarian politics with nostalgia or proceduralism but by renewing their capacity to speak clearly, act decisively, and reconnect politics with everyday life. To achieve this, campaigners, activists, journalists, and political leaders must recognize patterns early and respond strategically.

Resources like the Anti-Authoritarian Toolkit can play a crucial role in this. By understanding how these plays operate (and why they resonate), democratic actors can move from reactive outrage to proactive strategy. But understanding the playbook is only the first step. What comes next depends on how creatively it is used to confront authoritarian politics.